martes, 10 de septiembre de 2013

Sunila Abeysekera


 We bring here this sad news from our friends Iwraw Asia Pacific.

  Thanks  Sunila Abeysekera for the example of your life  that will remain in our memories.

We at Iwraw Asia Pacific mourn the loss today of Sunila Abeysekera, a leading activist, friend and leader who played a major role in women's rights activism during her role as Executive Director from 2008 to 2010. 

As a strategic thinker and ardent feminist and activist she mentored and supported staff and made a key contribution to fulfilling the vision and mission of our organisation in the South Asia and South East Asia region. She worked tirelessly to develop and support our national partners and advance our advocacy around CEDAW. 

Sunila's death is a loss not only to us but to all women's rights activists and organisations in Sri Lanka and all over the world. We will strive to carry forward her legacy of commitment to truth and justice and her fearless determination in challenging the ongoing oppression and subjugation of women. 

Sunila's legacy as a feisty feminist will live on in our hearts and we recommit ourselves to continue to work for the realisation of the full promise of CEDAW rights and obligations and the end to injustice in our world. Our prayers and thoughts go out to Women and Media Collective, Inform, UAF , APWLD and all the organisations of which Sunila was a part, as well as her to beloved family, friends and community. Let us carry forward her love for humanity and her radiant shining light. 

Rest in peace Sunila and thank you for enriching our lives and our work!.
http://www.uib.no/research/global/nyheter/2012/10/forskar-i-fare-intervju-med-sunila-abeysekera

jueves, 30 de mayo de 2013

TRADITIONAL VALUES, CULTURE, RELIGION – WOMEN’S HUMAN RIGHTS



TRADITIONAL VALUES, CULTURE, RELIGION – WOMEN’S HUMAN RIGHTS
HRC Session 23 SIDE PANEL
May 30, 2013
Contribution by Farida Shaheed, Special Rapporteur in the Field of Cultural Rights
Traditional values, religion and culture intersect women’s human rights in intricate and complex ways. For example, the CEDAW Committee notes that “In all nations, cultural traditions and religious beliefs have played a part in confining women to the private spheres of activity and excluding them from active participation in public life”[1] Scholars underline that so many practices and norms discriminating against women are justified by reference to culture, religion and tradition, that it can be said that “no social group has suffered greater violation of its human rights in the name of culture than women” and that it is “inconceivable” that a number of such practices “would be justified if they were predicated upon another protected classification such as race”.[2] The use of discourses of cultural relativism to challenge the universal legitimacy and applicability of human rights norms is also a serious concern noted by UN Special Procedures (A/HRC/4/34, in particular paras. 19, 42 and 68).
Hence, in examining the inter-relationships from the perspective of women’s human rights it is important to remember:
1. All cultures “share a common set of values that belong to humankind in its entirety, and that those values have made an important contribution to the development of human rights norms and standards”.
2. Such values are inscribed in the UDHR that, having incorporated diverse, though not all, cultural as well as political traditions and perspectives and having been adopted by consensus, “represents a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations” (UDHR Preamble) for the rights of all persons and communities and the obligations of states. Often considered to be international customary law, the UDHR provides the essential framework for cross-cultural dialogue and understandings on human rights.
The question is: if there is agreement on the universality of human rights why is there a need for a discussion on traditional values?
Firstly, there is no such thing as a "view from nowhere". All human thinking and reasoning is rooted in people’s cultural perspectives and understandings, including the traditions of continuously elaborating the contents and understanding of human rights.
This cultural rootedness of human thinking and cultural diversities makes it essential to ensure and to promote international human rights norms and standards amongst all communities of the world. It is equally vital that the continuing development of universal human rights standards be informed by the cultural diversity of the world’s peoples.
In this regard there are a series of question that need to be asked. Specifically in terms of this panel:
From a human rights perspective what is crucial is how to arrive at a point at which women own their culture, religion and tradition, including traditional values, as well as their human rights.
The dialectical and dialogical interplay between universal human rights standards and diverse localized realities raises a series of questions which need to be considered. Specifically in terms of this side panel:
To what extent is it possible to distinguish between traditional values and traditional practices when practices are the external visible manifestations of values?
Is there a common understanding of what, in practical terms, constitutes “traditional values”? At present there is no universally accepted understanding of the root word “tradition”, let alone “traditional values”
· It is important to recognize that every living tradition is subject to continual self-reinvention and to think of traditions, traditional values and cultures not just –possibly not even primarily – as links with the past but as trajectories to the future that enable people to become agents of their own development and self-realisation.
In this perspective a fundamental question is: Who is to define the parameters and contents of ‘traditional values’? Can there be a listing of traditional values that is indeed universal? Moreover, is such a listing, which risks stultifying further development around human rights, even desirable?
Viewing culture and attendant beliefs, including customs, traditions and religious interpretations, as “static” obstructs the realization of women’s human rights because it presupposes that particular values, practices and beliefs are “intrinsic” to a given culture and, therefore, immutable.
It is important, therefore, to unpack the terms ‘tradition’ and ‘traditional’ precisely because of the strong emotive quality and deep resonances tradition has with cultural identity and a sense of self.
From the perspective of women’s human rights, the right to access, participate in and contribute to cultural life enshrined in the UDHR and ICESCR means, amongst other things, that (A/HRC/20/26, para. 43) women must be able to embrace or reject particular cultural practices and identities as well as to revise and (re)negotiate existing traditions, values or practices, regardless of their provenance. Women must enjoy the freedom to create new communities of shared cultural values around any markers of identity they want to privilege, new cultural meanings and practices without fear of punitive actions, including any form of violence. In this same vein, the right to access and enjoy cultural heritage, including values passed on through tradition, encompasses the right to interpret and assign meaning to cultural heritage received from the past, including traditional values, and to contribute to establishing new values and traditions.
The essential question of who decides which traditional practices and values are to be upheld and which discarded signals the danger of making something as undefined and constantly evolving as “traditional values” the standards of human rights. Traditional values must not be used to fragment international human rights into a number of self-contained regimes. Further, just because something is said to be traditional is not enough for it to be accorded sanctity. Traditional values and reflected traditions and practices not in keeping with norms and standards of human rights must be overturned through internal debates and cross-cultural dialogues.
Human rights are always implemented and enjoyed within specific cultural, socioeconomic and political environments.[3] They have to be realized within, and are thus contingent upon, the factors and dynamics operative on the ground, including local knowledge and practices, and specific cultural traditions, values and norms. Ensuring the cultural rootedness of human rights, in particular women’s cultural rights, requires ownership of internationally established human rights among all communities. Human rights have to be “vernacularized”, including through “initiatives that ground human rights concepts in diverse cultural traditions, in a culturally relevant lexicon and philosophical vocabulary”.
The continuing development of human rights standards should be informed by the cultural diversity of humankind while recognizing that cultures are always dynamic: people’s perceptions, views and actions, rather than abstracted “culture”, drive social, economic, political and cultural developments. In the same way that all human rights standards constantly evolve, cultural beliefs and understandings, normative rules and values, as well as practices are continuously created, contested and (re)interpreted. In transforming their culture(s) by adopting new ideas and modes of operation, concerned people often continue to draw upon the moral and spiritual resources within their own traditions.
It is vitally important to ensure that all societies continuously reinforce the respect, promotion and protection of the human dignity and worth of all members of society through the norms and standards of human rights as developed and accepted by the international community.
From the perspective of women’s human rights, this entails ensuring that the nexus of traditional values, culture, and religion reflect human rights standards and norms and uphold women’s human rights.
In my report to the General Assembly last year, I have stressed that promoting realization of equal cultural rights for women is a way of helping to reconstruct gender in ways that transcend notions of women’s inferiority and subordination, thereby improving conditions for the full and equal enjoyment of their human rights in general. This requires a shift in perspective: from seeing culture as an obstacle to women’s human rights to ensuring women’s equal cultural rights; meaning that women’s perspectives and contributions must move from the margins of cultural life to the centre of the processes that create, interpret and shape culture and determine societal values, regardless of whether values are labeled ‘traditional’ or not. The tendency to marginalize women’s concerns and silence their voices must be overcome, obstructions impeding their equal participation in public life eliminated and their underrepresentation in the institutions and processes defining the culture, religious or spiritual traditions and values of their communities surmounted. Women must be recognized as, and supported to be, equal spokespersons vested with the authority to determine which of the community’s traditions and values are to be respected, protected and transmitted to future generations.
Measures are required to support and enhance the cultural legitimacy and symbolic validation of new tools, interpretations and values that enable practices harmful to women to be surmounted. It is particularly important to support women’s transformative initiatives: to listen to local women and build on the tools and terminology they use, including elements to be retrieved from cultural heritage that may have fallen into disuse. The right to take part in cultural life it must be stressed is intricately inter-linked with promoting women’s equal rights in the area of public and political life, as well as family life.
The task ahead is to find appropriate modalities that enable discussions and debates around traditional values and culture that promote democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms for everyone based on principles of equality as given in the UDHR. In this, I believe ensuring cultural rights for women on a basis of equality with men, plays a determinative role.

Thank you  

[1] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, general recommendation No. 23 (1997) on women in political and public life, para. 10.
[2] Arati Rao, “The Politics of Gender and Culture in International Human Rights Discourse”, in Women’s Rights, Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives, Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper, eds. (New York and London, Routledge, 1994), p. 167.

[3] Most of the rest of the presentation is taken directly from my report on women’s equal cultural rights for women; A/67/287. 

martes, 16 de abril de 2013

Unpaid work, poverty and women’s human rights




Unpaid work, poverty and women’s human rights

At the 68th session of the United Nations General Assembly (October 2013), the Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Magdalena Sepúlveda Carmona, will submit a report concerning unpaid work, in particular unpaid care work and women’s human rights.

Unpaid care underpins all societies, contributing to well-being, social development and economic growth. It involves domestic tasks (such as meal preparation, cleaning, washing clothes, collecting water and fuel) and direct care of persons (including children, older persons and persons with disabilities) carried out in homes and communities. It is estimated that if unpaid care work were assigned a monetary value it would constitute between 10 and 39 per cent of GDP. However, it is generally unrecognised and under-valued by policy-makers and legislators.

How societies address care has far-reaching implications for gender relations, power relations and inequalities, as well as human rights enjoyment. The costs and burdens of care are unequally borne across gender and class: care is predominantly done by women and girls, and research shows that the time and difficulty of engaging in unpaid care work are linked to levels of poverty.

Heavy and unequal care burdens may curtail the enjoyment of human rights by women and girls, including their rights to education, work, social security and participation, as well as to rest and leisure. Systematically unequal distribution of care work and household chores between women and men also raises concerns in terms of the right to equality and non-discrimination and the obligations of States in this regard. Inadequate State policies and practices regarding unpaid care may also undermine or violate women’s rights to the highest attainable standard of health and an adequate standard of living. In addition, when care work is not adequately recognised or supported by the State, the rights of those who rely on care provision for their health, life and wellbeing may also be violated.

Despite considerable research on care, emanating largely from the disciplines of feminist economics and social policy research, the subject has rarely been tackled from a human rights perspective. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights’s report will ultimately aim to develop a normative framework based on human rights. The objective of the report is: (1) to analyse the effect of unpaid care on poverty, human rights and women’s economic empowerment; (2) to clarify the human rights obligations of States with regard to unpaid care; and (3) to provide recommendations to States on how to recognise, reduce and redistribute unpaid care work, with a view to realizing the human rights of women and tackling their disproportionate vulnerability to poverty.

The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, invites States, United Nations departments and agencies, national human rights institutions, civil society organizations and other relevant stakeholders to send contributions to the reportin the form of research studies, reports and examples of relevant policies or programming.

Please send contributions in English, Spanish or French, in MS Word document, PDF or compatible format to: srextremepoverty@ohchr.org

http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Poverty/Pages/UnpaidWork.aspx

lunes, 15 de abril de 2013

Elimination and Prevention of Gender-Based Violence through Rights-Based and Women-Oriented Approach





Elimination and Prevention of Gender-Based Violence through Rights-Based and Women-Oriented Approach
-- Chinese Women NGOs’ Statement
The 57th Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women convened its annual session on the priority theme: Elimination and prevention of all forms of violence against women and girls on March 4-15, 2013. Concurrently, the 12th China’s National People’s Congress and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference took place. On this occasion, we, Chinese women, NGOs and activists who are dedicated to gender equality and the elimination of violence against women, represent the voices of women from the grassroots level and relevant workers from various organizations to bring forward the following views and appeals.

Violence against women and girls is a form of gender-based violence, which refers to violence rooted in unequal gender norms and power relations. This violence occurs in families or other intimate relationships, workplaces, educational institutions and public spaces, with women and girls suffering most. Gender-based violence can profoundly harm women’s and girls’ physical, psychological, and sexual health, as well as bring economic harm. Violence hinders the fulfillment of women’s and girls’ human rights, lowers their status in society, and can even cost them their lives. Gender-based violence also causes losses in productivity and to the human resources in families, society, employers/enterprises and the state. It consequently increases expenditures/costs to individuals, institutes and the state for medical treatment, care, social service and welfare, administration and judiciary proceedings. Gender-based violence is the result of gender inequality, and it perpetuates and reinforces existing gender inequalities and sex discrimination. Therefore, to build an equal, harmonious and just society, we must eliminate all forms of gender-based violence.

We have been greatly pleased to notice that the Chinese government has further undertaken its responsibility and commitment to prevent gender-based violence, abided by the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women adopted by 1993 UN General Assembly, the Beijing Platform for Action adopted by the UN 4th World Conference on Women in 1995, and the outcome document of Beijing + 5 (23rd UN General Assembly Special Session). In regard to laws and policies, terms prohibiting domestic violence have been written into many laws, such as the amended Marriage Law, Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Women, as well as some local laws and regulations. Consequently, a policy basis for handling and preventing sexual harassment in the workplace has been initiated, the prevention of sexual abuse of girls in schools has been written into the campus safety policy, and the China Action Plan for Combating the Trafficking Women and Children (2008-2012) has been drawn up. In the area of family planning, efforts have been made to meet women’s needs for their sexual and reproductive health and rights, and good practices and intervention models featuring multi-sectoral cooperation to prevent and stop domestic violence have emerged.

During the international 16 days of Activism Against Gender Violence Campaign from November 25 to December 10 in 2012, we collected opinions from about 6,000 women of various ages across the country, interviewed survivors of gender-based violence, psychological counselors, social workers, women rights activists, lawyers, policemen, procurators, judges, decision-makers, lawmakers and perpetrators. We realized there are still wide gaps between the goals set for eliminating and preventing gender-based violence and efforts made to realize these goals. There is also much work to be done in meeting victims’ varying needs. Hence, it is urgent for the state to make breakthroughs regarding the following aspects, with firm political will and practical, proactive actions.
• Implement international conventions and fulfill commitments to strengthen the state’s obligation and responsibility to eliminate gender-based violence and eradicate its root causes — gender discrimination and gender inequality – by reviewing all existing laws and policies with a gender perspective, discontinuing utilization of terms containing gender discrimination or appropriately substitute them, and establishing accountability mechanisms to prevent and address instances of government agencies’ personnel misusing their power to commit acts of physical, mental and sexual abuse.
• Draw up comprehensive, feasible and effective laws and policies for preventing violence and create specific, enforceable and accountable regulations and measures to prevent gender-based violence, to provide services to women and children affected by violence, and to punish perpetrators and transform their behaviors.
• Expand definitions of domestic violence in existing laws, to go beyond well-documented and severe physical abuse and explicitly include other forms of violence, such as violating women’s right to self-determination of their bodies and sexual life, their rights for reproductive health, forced interference in lesbians’ marriages and intimate relations, psychological abuse, and economic exploitation and control, so that all these forms of violence can be addressed effectively. To bridge the gap between existing laws and their implementation so that women suffering from gender-based violence in de facto marriages, cohabitating partnerships, and other intimate relations will also be able to realize their legal rights.
• Provide quality services that consider women’s needs and interests, change the outmoded bureaucratic practices and raise the awareness of personnel working in public service departments, law enforcement and judiciary on the rule of law. Raise awareness and strengthen capacity in handling violence-related cases and issues with professional and gender-sensitive attitudes and techniques. Put an end to indifference, avoidance of responsibility, and ineffective case processing.
• Integrate and disseminate experiences and models of multi-sectoral interventions to stop violence, enabling the synergy of all participants’ work to produce better results, and bringing these experiences and models into state laws and policies, thus creating standardized and institutionalized practices. Strengthen education by bringing prevention work to campuses and communities and raising public awareness through media. Enable social workers, and psychological and medical institutions to provide services to survivors and child witnesses, and alter perpetrators’ psychology, behaviors and habitual patterns. Police should enforce the law strictly, and reprimand and punish all perpetrators of domestic violence. Judges should issue domestic violence protection orders/physical protection rulings, and confirm the circumstances of domestic violence in court decisions. Courts and prisons should consider leniency to women who commit the self-defense murder of their perpetrators by reducing jail sentences or releasing women on parole. Employers and enterprises should establish mechanisms and policies to intervene in sexual harassment.
• Recognize the important role and experiences of civil society organizations, especially women’s NGOs, and help disseminate their good practices and engage with them as equal partners of multi-sectoral collaboration to combat violence against women.
Given all these facts, we believe that the following urgent actions need to be taken:
To formulate a state action plan on the prevention and elimination of gender-based violence, to raise legislators’ and decision makers’ attention and sensitivity to gender issues, to expedite the launching of new law and policies on preventing gender-based violence, to review, improve and augment the enforcement of existing laws and policies, and to conduct monitoring and evaluation of this enforcement, to improve the availability of sex-disaggregated data statistics on gender-based violence and public information accessibility; to promote good practices and the multi-sectoral intervention model; to transform the attitude and behaviors of perpetrators through education and community services.
To refine policies and to increase budget and resources for providing quality public services, to train various service provision personnel, law enforcement officers and judiciaries, so as to speed up the realization of equal service and remedy the severe shortage of services to disadvantaged groups such as rural women, disabled women, ethnic minority women, girls, sexual minorities and elderly women, to build a support and service system to ensure social insurance and social integration for violence survivors and sufferers. To encourage and support civil society organizations to conduct activities aimed at preventing gender-based violence, and to fund more pilot projects and action-oriented research.
Women’s economic empowerment and political participation are effective means for preventing violence. We call for: globally, the incorporation of gender justice and women’s empowerment into the Post-2015 Development Agenda with specific objectives and indicators related to gender-based violence; in China, the 12th Five-Year Plan for the National Economy and Social Development and macro-economic policies should be integrated with the Program for the Development of Chinese Women, to enable the pursuit of gender equality, to reinforce economic equity, social justice, transparent administration and democratic governance, thus enabling women and girls to equally enjoy the achievement of social and economic development, better master their own lives, and participate in decision-making on public issues that affect their interests.
Let us build a violence free world with equality and justice.
March 4, 2013
Initiated by:
Anti-Domestic Violence Network/Beijing Fan Bao
Common Language
Gender and Development Network in China
Gender and Public Policy Network
Media Monitoring Network for Women
Women’s Rights Activists:
CAI Yiping (Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era, DAWN)
CHUNG Lai Shan
FENG Yuan
LEE Kim
LI Huiying
LU Ping
WANG Guohong
WANG Xiying (Beijing Normal University)
WU TaoYunnan Heart to Heart Community Care Center)

lunes, 8 de abril de 2013

THE POST 2015 DEVELOPMENT AGENDA: WHAT’S AT STAKE FOR THE WORLD’S WOMEN?



Building on the success of women’s coalition efforts around the UN, we are building a coalition of feminist, women’s rights, women’s development, grassroots and social justice organizations to monitor and engage with these processes as a political opportunity to challenge and reframe the global development agenda and address the structural factors underpinning the multiple crises we currently face, which result in deepening inequalities, increased poverty and environmental degradation.
Why?
In 2015, the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) Agenda will come to an end, and with it uneven progress toward achieving the goals at its core. At this juncture, the UN System, member states and civil society organizations have begun to discuss priorities for a Post-2015 Development Agenda.
Advocacy around the Post-2015 Development Agenda presents an opportunity for women’s rights and social justice organizations to contribute to shaping a development framework that can transform the lives of women and marginalized populations. In the context of the MDGs and other processes, women’s rights and social justice organizations have sought to highlight the nexus between gender equality, women’s empowerment and development, demonstrating how progress towards equality can lead to greater social, ecological and economic justice. These linkages are now widely recognized and women’s leadership is needed as governments prepare for the Post-2015 Development Agenda to ensure that progress continues.
A number of UN processes are underway to define a road map for the Post-2015 Development Agenda. These processes include:
- A high-level panel of eminent persons convened by the UN Secretary General (SG) which has been formed to guide the SG and the UN in shaping the post-2015 development agenda and in preparing the debate on this topic to be held at the 2013 UN General Assembly.
Global Thematic consultations organized by the UN Development Group. A total of 11 thematic consultations will deal with topics identified to be of particular importance to the post-2015 discussions including: conflict and fragility; environmental sustainability; economic growth and employment; education; food security and nutrition; governance; health; inequalities; and population dynamics; water and energy.
National consultations in as many as 100 countries organized by the UN Development Group
- A Post Rio+20 process led by governments, which includes an Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that will be appointed by the General Assembly.
Policies that will have an impact on the development possibilities of many countries are also being discussed in other UN spaces, including the 20-year reviews of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD+20) and the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing (Beijing+20) as well as within the Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), as Parties negotiate a ‘post-Kyoto’ agreement.
Transforming the Global Development Agenda
We demand that the Post-2015 Development Agenda:
-> Be explicitly shaped by and grounded inhuman rights, including the principles of equality and nondiscrimination. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (among other international human rights instruments) as well as international consensus documents, including the Declaration on the Right to Development, the Vienna Declaration on Human Rights, the ICPD Programme of Action, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, provide a clear normative framework for promoting and protecting women’s human rights and addressing gender inequality. They should form the non-negotiable basis of any post-2015 development framework.
-> Place gender equality, women’s human rights and women’s empowerment at its core. The new development agenda must outline specific strategies to eliminate gender-based inequalities in all areas of concern to women, whether social development, health including sexual and reproductive health, economic development, environmental sustainability, and peace and security. Inequality must be understood and addressed from an intersectional approach, recognizing the ways in which multiple factors – including race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexual orientation, and disability – can increase and compound discrimination and marginalization.
-> Address the structural factors that perpetuate crisis, inequality, insecurity and human rights violations. In the wake of the financial crisis, which has had a disproportionate and particular impact on women, feminists and others have proposed transforming policy responses and rethinking the mainstream development model to promote greater equality, equity, security and sustainability. To this end, a post-2015 framework must ensure that macroeconomic policies and the international financial system work to advance gender equality, women’s empowerment and women’s human rights.
-> Be developed with the full participation and leadership of women. Women’s organizations and social justice groups working for gender equality, human rights and women’s empowerment should be fully supported to meaningfully engage – at all levels of consultation. Grassroots women leaders from community-based organizations are key stakeholders in the development of a Post 2015 Development Agenda and should be enabled to negotiate for their own development priorities throughout this
process.
-> Ensure strong mechanisms for accountability within countries and at the international level. Accountability should be universal, holding both northern and southern governments to account for their commitments to gender equality and women’s human rights. Robust financing for development is crucial. To this end, northern countries must be accountable to their ODA commitments, allocating 0.7% of GDP to development cooperation.

martes, 12 de marzo de 2013

STATEMENT OF FEMINIST AND WOMEN’S ORGANISATIONS ON THE VERY ALARMING TRENDS IN THE NEGOTIATIONS OF OUTCOME DOCUMENT OF THE 57TH SESSION OF THE UN COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN



STATEMENT OF FEMINIST AND WOMEN’S ORGANISATIONS ON THE VERY ALARMING TRENDS IN THE NEGOTIATIONS OF OUTCOME DOCUMENT OF THE 57TH SESSION OF THE UN COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN

We, the undersigned organisations and individuals across the globe, are again alarmed and disappointed that the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is wavering in its commitment to advance women’s human rights as demonstrated in the constant negotiation of the language in the outcome document continues.

On the occasion of celebrating the International Women’s Day we call on the states to reaffirm its commitment to agreed upon standards in promoting women’s human rights as articulated in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action as well as other international humanitarian and human rights law.

 We say NO to any re-opening of negotiations on the already established international agreements on women’s human rights and call on all governments to demonstrate their commitments to promote, protect and fulfill human rights and fundamental freedoms of women.

It is alarming that states are continuing to negotiate established standards that they themselves have agreed to as we are witnessing in the last few days of negotiation. Considering the lack of an outcome document last year we hope that this is not the pattern when it comes to advancing women’s human rights agenda. Women’s human rights are not to be negotiated away.

 Similar to last year, we strongly hold the position that given the progressive development in the international era on standard setting there should no longer be any contention on any issues related to the definition and intersectionality of women and girls experiencing violence against women, including in relations to sexual and reproductive health and rights, sexual orientation and gender identity, harmful practices perpetuated in the context of negative culture and traditions, among others. We remind states that the CSW is the principal global policy-making body dedicated exclusively to gender equality and advancement of women with the sole aim of promoting women’s rights in political, economic, civil, social and educational fields. Its mandate is to ensure the full implementation of existing international agreements on women’s human rights and gender equality.

We strongly demand all governments and the international community to reject any attempt to invoke traditional values or morals to infringe upon human rights guaranteed by international law, nor to limit their scope. Customs, tradition or religious considerations must not be tolerated to justify discrimination and violence against women and girls whether committed by State authorities or by non-state actors. Given the current global activism around violence against women it is imperative that member states take the lead is agreeing on a progressive outcome document that reaffirms its commitments to universal human rights standards.

This is an important moment as we are planning the post 2015 process. The outcome document has to advance women’s human rights and not lower the bar for women’s human rights. Future international negotiations must move forward implementation of policies and programmes that secure the human rights of girls and women.


We call upon the member states of the UN and the various UN human rights and development
entities to recognise and support the important role of women’s groups and organisations
working at the forefront of challenging traditional values and practices that are intolerant to
fundamental human rights norms, standards and principles.

Drafted by:
Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL)
International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW Asia Pacific)

Endorsed by:
Amnesty International
ANIS - Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender – Brazil
Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
Asia Safe Abortion Partnership
Fiji Women's Rights Movement
Namibia Women's Health Network
Rutgers WPF, Netherland
Women's Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)
Women's Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)


viernes, 15 de febrero de 2013

PRESS RELEASE from the Women’s Front of Norway




The 20nd of June the Pro Senter, a national competence centre on prostitution, released a report on violence against women in prostitution.
The following is the press release from the Women’s Front of Norway about the report. The press release was sent to Norwegian media. But due to many requests from abroad, we have now translated the press release.

PRESS RELEASE
The Pro Senter’s report on the law against buying of sex has reached the front-page of the tabloids in Norway and abroad. The tabloid Dagbladet, Oslo, says that violence against women in prostitution has increased after the law against the buying of sex was passed. The city councillor in Oslo has stated to the press that she wants the law the law to be abolished, due to this report.
The Women’s Front reacts strongly against the city councillor who wants to make it legal for men to buy sex. The city councillor should know that men’s violence against women in prostitution is an integral part of the misogyny they perpetrate by buying women.
Men’s violence against women in prostitution has always been widespread regardless if prostitution has been criminalized or legalized. We have had the law against buying of sex for three years. Criminalizing of buyers is one of several means, and the law in it self is no magic wand. Men’s violence against women in prostitution cannot be abolished by magic; we demand more action, among other things increased action from the police.
The city councillor cannot trust the report from the Pro Senter. The Pro Senter has admitted that the statistical foundation of the report is very questionable. The leader of the Pro Senter, Bjørg Norli, has admitted that the statistical material in the report do not give any foundation for claiming that violence has increased; on the contrary it is possible that the opposite is correct; violence may have decreased. The Swedish law against buying of sex was evaluated after ten years 1999 – 2010, this evaluation does not show any increase in violence against women in prostitution.
The report, with its faulty statement on increased violence against women in prostitution and the conclusion of the city councillor to abolish the law, have already reached international media. The Women’s Front has received questions from several organisations working on the issue of having a similar law passed in their respective countries. In France the work has reached the stage where a proposal for a law is made and the political parties agree. When the French media now writes about the report and the city councillor’s comments they give a completely wrong picture of the actual situation in Norway after the law was passed. The fact that the Pro Senter has been criticised for it’s report on violence on women in prostitution and has admitted the faulty conclusion has not reached the media abroad in a similar way.
To remind us all; the law against the buying of sex makes men responsible for creating and increasing a demand whereby more women will be prostituted. To change this is not done in three years.
Agnete Strøm Torill Nustad
The Women’s Front